Tracing the Canons/Cannons and Futures of Black Educational Theory in Graduate Classrooms

If I hadn’t taken multiple classes in the Africana studies department, I would have never read Black theorists in graduate school. In some ways, it was worse than my undergraduate education in that regard. In my undergraduate years, I had learned from professors like Kennell Jackson, Horace Porter, and Sylvia Wynter to question the intellectual origins of everything I was assigned, that the destruction of Black life was within those scripts. This means I didn’t read for awe or disciplinary coverage but to understand, like Chiekh Hamidou Kane’s book, Ambiguous Adventure, how they conquer without being in the right. I was expected to read and study deeply (on my own) the Black folx publishing at the exact same time as my assigned white authors alongside the political economies impacting Black life. Granted, my mentors didn’t necessarily tell me to give it a gangsta lean, but sometimes it’s just in you, not on you. I am still striving to meet my undergraduate professors’ standards and expectations, especially since they also modeled prolific writing, publishing, and researching. Because of them, I was a whole different kind of reader and writer by the time I got to graduate school.

For many of my graduate term papers, I often unleashed this title: “Blowin Up Spots: Why XXX Can’t Ever Really XXX.”  I wrote a version of this in so many of my non-Africana graduate classes and never seemed to get tired. Those were fun times, way back when I was “the young and the restless” so I still had them good knees and that pitbull-typa strength on folx neck. I would happily unleash a drive-by-shooting on every assigned author in a graduate course and trace the intellectual origins of their anti-Blackness. If you gon make me read this, then Ima REAAAD it! Many of my professors would often try to refute what I would say and I would just go harder with 5-10 MORE books and essays of preeminent Black scholars who disagreed. And why should I care if they didn’t like me? The feeling was mutual and, frankly, I don’t even remember their names now. You can’t be so psychologically overdetermined by imposter syndrome and coon-itis that you no longer recognize anti-Blackness and sub-intelligence. One professor was particularly stupid-brave, writing on one of my papers that “as a white man, he wasn’t interested in my ideas about counterhegemonic curricular design.” I couldn’t tell what was dumber: him thinking that or him putting that in writing. I called him Mickey D (yes, like the restaurant, McDonald’s) because I thought his intellect squared up with the corporate clown and all that overprocessed, unhealthiness. I stepped up to the plate: I copied negative reviews of his weak book, annotated his syllabus’s multiple errors, and took his handwritten comments with me to my meeting with the dean and my advisor. I was just two months into my first semester, but I figured I may as well set it off right. Perhaps surprisingly (to some), the administration was very supportive and validated my concerns about this faculty member, even at a PWI. Mickey D’s class was never required again. If someone’s syllabus was race-evasive and Eurocentric, I dropped the class and if the class was required, I worked with my advisor to bypass it on my transcript. My advisor was either tired of my mouth (or, more likely, amused), because he always accommodated my requests. I can’t stop the university from offering racist and/or outdated classes, but the university certainly can’t require them. My peers never spoke up, but that too is often typical. If it involves other BIPOC faculty and administrators, you can expect a level of public criticism. Racist white actors, on the other hand, often get a full pass, since going up against them would require more courage and risk.

Mickey D’s research was all about Brown and Black children in NYC schools, so it was only ethical that I get him good and told. In fact, that’s my birthright, paid for many times over by my ancestors– like all descendants of enslaved Africans! I wish I could pull him outta retirement (or grave, soon enough down the line) and dogg him out more. His anti-Blackness was typical of so many faculty though: racialized expectations of comportment, forced agreement no matter the inaccuracy or non-logic, continual downplaying of or silence around obvious racism, attempted management/overtalking of BIPOC dissent, lavish over-praise and welcomed participation for racist white actors, no accountability for present or past wrongs, no real analysis of the foundations of racial inequality baked into the program, no interventions in Black and Brown students’ experiences (while parading out the racially ambiguous/white-passing), and endless pursuits at control of BIPOC/queer folx. None of that is surprising, but it is perplexing when university professors try this mess so regularly. Like, ma’am, we are full grown— do you not know you will get your full, grown ass whupped out here?

One of Mickey D’s favorites who loved his Culture-of-White-Comportment was a student with a few more years in the program than we first-years. She was a simple, foolish girl, so I called her Strawberry Shortcake (which was as much of a compliment as I could muster). She would offend and correct us in class and was always super-eager to follow a white male figure. She never did the reading (or if she did, she wasn’t bright enough to understand it), so she never got as far with her corrections as she did with her offensive comments. Despite her obvious deficiencies, she was treated better than most BIPOC students who were light years ahead of her. Now 25 years later, she still hasn’t finished her incomplete grades or her degree. Hey Strawberry Shortcake (I don’t remember your real name, but you know who you are): if you seein this, holla at me so I can re-heat this old beef with you. Never respected you, never will. Maybe start doing some reading this time though!

It wasn’t enough for faculty to include a race chapter or a few BIPOC scholars here and there in their courses; these professors needed to unthink their whole disposition and logic. After all, I couldn’t very well apply Mickey D’s thinking to Black life and arrive at anything other than more routine racism. Some of those same intellectually and politically compromised scholars I wiped my behind with more than 20 years ago are still assigned to graduate students in my discipline. Political irrelevance and white reading lists remain intact. Like, are yall even reading? Just out here Strawberry Shortcaking? Do yall just quote the BIPOC authors you see someone else reference? Or do yall just follow GenAI’s equally white suggestions and word combinations? If you don’t actually implement and materialize the BIPOC thought you claim to study, then you didn’t really read it. As it ends up, the reading methodology my undergraduate mentors taught me still works very well; it rises right back up and shapes how I hear every department meeting, every “cohort meeting,” and every professional space.

Needless to say, I was intimidated when I first started teaching graduate classes 16+ years ago.  How would I ever live up to my mentors? This semester I designed a graduate course called FREEDOM SCHOOLS: THE RHETORICS AND HISTORIES OF BLACK EDUCATION. It’s still an awesome responsibility, but I have my own approach. The one thing I always avoid, especially today, is the inclusion of BIPOC theorists without any knowledge and understanding of their deep, intellectual genealogies. As my own undergraduate mentors attest, some of us didn’t just start putting BIPOC scholars on our syllabi yesterday, hoping to chase the newest and hottest theories for relevance without really knowing them. Everybody gotta start somewhere though, so I’m not knocking folx who assign authors and theories whose genealogies they don’t fully know yet. It’s one thing to not know the genealogy though; it’s another to never imagine there is a genealogy and/or situate everything in whiteness/white scholarship because that’s the only place where you locate history and humanity.

If there were ever a time and place to fiercely examine Black educational studies within the long, long tradition of this theory and protest work, that time is now! Black education in the United States is a critical praxis and protest tradition that meticulously planned and deeply imagined my intellectual and political learning from the moment our enslaved ancestors taught themselves to read in defiance of white “owners.” Unlike so many other spaces, Black education does not belong to a single discipline— it pre-exists this kind of university codification. How do you teach a radical genealogy like that? Especially when folx need it even more during nationalist, white supremacist shock and awe campaigns? 

The pedagogy must be deliberate, that’s for sure. Of course, I could assign so much reading that my students feel like their heads are on a swivel each week. That kind of teaching is rooted in racial capitalism and looks like the kind of bodily burdensomeness and energy depletion of plantation life. And that’s just too redundant for Black folx.

These days I rely on many communal reading strategies where we are not all always reading the same thing, but each one is teaching one. At its best, it gives you depth and breadth via communal learning of multiple essays and books without over-exhaustion. This semester’s zine project was one such example. Each student educated the class on a specific text and created a public zine to celebrate the text. For the first time in seven years, I haven’t had blatantly, racist graduate students in my classes putting things in writing even MORE stupid-brave than Mickey D (more on this in forthcoming publications). So I have been sharing this semester’s zines and syllabus more. I didn’t share in the years before, because I don’t amplify racist harm to BIPOC from Ph.D. students’ writing– the programs that have selected and promoted them already do enough of that. White supremacy doesn’t need more support and airtime and certainly won’t get it from me. This was a different kind of semester though and I’m grateful. May the Mickey Ds and Strawberry Shortcakes never find my classrooms again since I’ve certainly had my fill of them.

As of today, the grades are in and the semester is officially over. I’ll close it all the way out by sharing this semester’s YA novels. My class also centered 31 Black Speculative Young Adult (YA) novels across two weeks. We can’t only read what Eve Tuck calls “damage-centered” research, so Black YA AfroFuturism is where I see possibility and shape/place-shifting. It gives a face, narrative, and materialism to the refusal and resistance that are our birthright. Yes, the kind of racial antagonisms against Black life described here are rampant. But that’s not all Black living and learning comprise. Imagination and creativity are also always doing their work. There are now so many fabulous Black Speculative YA books that I had to narrow the choices down by focusing only on Black Speculative YA books that intersect with schooling.

Here are the semester’s books (use the arrows at left and right to see the 31 books):

*All starred books are texts in the series not out yet or that I haven’t read yet, so, sorry, can’t tell you nuthing about those right now.

The Civil Rights Movement ushered in a “Renaissance” in Black Children’s Literature/picture books. Black Lives Matter did the same, but especially for Black YA novels this time around the bend. This is not to say that we have so many Black YA & picture books now that we don’t desperately need more, only that some cracks in the hard pavement opened up and Black YA writers had their pens already ready and came through. You can’t ban this! Black Education has always been and will always be!

In some of these books, all by Black authors, Black youth attend Black magical schools. Imagine Marvel’s X-Men School, but all Black, and in Wakanda! Oh my, the things these Black youth will do! Other times, Black youth attend white magical schools or diverse schools where racist antagonisms are rampant since not even magic can unmoor anti-Blackness. Other books celebrate Black youth and their school-friends living their dreams over summer vacation by doing things like hanging with the elders in the spirit realm. Still other books show Black magical children struggling to navigate color castes and economic hierarchies without zapping everyone to pieces (which is what I would do if you messed around and gave me some superpowers). One of my favorite books centered a little Black girl, Onyeka, who always tried to hide her thick, volume-magnified, gravity-defying hair. When Onyeka comes into her power, her hair becomes super-kinetic. Her glorious follicles even rescued her best friend from drowning—and then just looped back to her scalp like nuthin had just happened. Onyeka wears a crown indeed as do all her fellow Black brothers and sisters in these YA books… and in our classrooms!

We started this fall semester with scholars who offer formidable critiques of Brown v. Board of Education, since the course is 70 years after Brown was decided. As Gloria Ladson-Billings argues: People in this country have grown comfortable and accustomed to living racially segregated lives. We live in segregated neighborhoods. We worship in segregated churches and mosques. We work in segregated professions. We receive unequal health care, banking and loan, and other social services. Why wouldn’t we receive segregated and inequitable schooling? Schooling is merely a symptom of our larger experience. BROWN is an ideal that America has embraced in theory but not in reality. After 30 years of writing about BROWN, I have concluded that we are content to commemorate the decision but not commit to its principles.” Now 70 years later, racial justice and equity in schooling are, at best, an empty promise and performative gesture with a nationalist campaign that tries to undo Brown every week. These extreme sports of racism aren’t new in the history of Black education though and the Mickey Ds and Strawberry Shortcakes have always been willing participants. They may act as if they are working for everyone’s good, but their anti-Blackness oozes from every utterance and decision. Black education acknowledges that this fight might be tiresome, but we have never lost. We have other legacies our ancestors have built for us.

The Specter of White Mob Violence and the Spectacle of Black Suffering (My Thoughts on Capitol Violence, Delivered at Texas Woman’s University)

Thank you, Dr. Fehler, for inviting me here and thank you, Dean Tilton, and Dr. van Erve, for your introductions.  I also thank all of the Texas Woman’s University community for being with us this evening.

I acknowledge and honor the Wichita and the very land where I now reside as a newcomer to Fort Worth, Texas. The Wichita call on us to be better stewards of the land; I also hear that call as one that compels me to recognize my unique role as a descendant of enslaved Africans to disentangle white settler colonization from my imaginations and life-purposes.

I start by letting you know that I’m going to read my comments this evening. I have posted these comments on my blog for better accessibility. Parts of this text are also weblinked here if you want a closer look at the sources and events I discuss.

While there is much for us to think through and problematize about the white supremacy that we witnessed in the violence at the Capitol this past January, I want to focus here on the ways that white mob violence is a LONG-STANDING central praxis of white supremacy and is always anti-Black and anti-Semitic.  These are always co-functioning this way so it should “make sense” to us that the Capitol rioters costumed themselves in things like Camp Auschwitz garb and nooses, both of which are the most iconic symbols of the mass murder and violence against Black and Jewish peoples.

And while there was considerable conversation about the differences in the responses to white mob violence and Black peaceful protest, that is just part of the story. White mob violence is specter— and I say specter in the sense that it is truly a kind of reoccurring haunting.  It is often represented as a kind of merely unfortunate, albeit awful, historical event, so that overall white innocence can be maintained.  If you were shocked by what you saw at the Capitol, it means that you have ignored the historical record or have been lulled into thinking these were bygone days by dogma that presents whiteness as innocent.  Meanwhile, Black suffering is spectacle— the thing we are used to seeing as if it is just another segment on the nightly news (which most times, it is). [These circulations of white supremacy are so much more than merely a set of hypocrisies in relation to the over-policing, surveillance, and militaristic responses to Black protest.] 

To get at some of what I mean, I want to look at Bruno Cua today and then step back and look at one specific historical incident of mass violence and voting, namely the 1920 Ocoee Massacre in Florida.  

Though it is just one of many examples, I want to highlight the current case of the 18-year-old Capitol rioter Bruno Cua from Metro Atlanta Georgia. His parents are still pleading with a judge to release him from custody while he awaits trial; they are simply embarrassed that they believed what Trump was telling them about voter fraud.  That is literally the defense—that they are deserving of mercy and forgiveness because Bruno was naïve and they are all now embarrassed.  I’ll come back to this point about shame and embarrassment so just keep that part in mind.

The stories seem to all point to these events: Bruno’s parents took him to D.C. for the rally where Bruno stormed his way inside and shoved a police officer out of his way to get into the Senate chamber.  Bruno described clearly in social media posts what would happen on January 6.  After leaving the capitol, he posted again the next day on January 7, even boasting that the tree of liberty was thirsty for the “blood of tyrants,” namely those people he had singled out at the Capitol, and that he would not give a warning shot the next time around. The next day, on January 8, he was still posting, this time proclaiming that everyone in Congress deserved a public execution.

Bruno is amongst the youngest to have charges brought against him, if not the youngest.  It should go without saying here that every young Black man in America is profiled, harassed, imprisoned, and murdered with impunity for so much less than Bruno’s offenses. And while I don’t believe that the cage and shackle system of our criminal justice system is helpful in the service of justice, it will remain interesting to see just how innocent, forgivable, and deserving of mercy Bruno becomes. 

It is particularly interesting to see how Bruno is depicted as an isolated, naïve white teenager when the fact of the matter is that Bruno is from the Metro Atlanta area, a central Black, critical hub that overturned the white Republican face of Georgia’s politics with record Black voter turn-out in favor of a Democrat president and vice-president, a woman of color to boot, and the first Black and Jewish senators, all organized by Black women activists.  Bruno was not naïve and simple; he was deliberately acting from a place of whiteness that insisted did not need to believe or accept Black agency.  

In fact, this entire election was decided, in large part, by Black voters and Black women organizers in major cities like Philadelphia, Detroit, Milwaukee, and Atlanta.  The white rallying cry that depicted Black voters and Black cities and towns as thieves who had stolen American Democracy has been the same rallying cry for white supremacists since Reconstruction, including in these very same cities.[ I remind us here of the Black activist, Octavius Catto, who was killed on his way to vote in 1871 in Philadelphia; his murderer was never charged and the violent rampage against the Black vote and voice there were, in fact, aided by police.]  If you were shocked by what you saw at the Capitol, it might mean that you have ignored the historical record or have been lulled into thinking it was all just an unfortunate historical accident within the terms of a master narrative that presents whiteness, as a whole, as innocent. 

I also want us to remember the Ocoee Massacre in Florida in November 1920 which remains the largest election-related massacre. [There are, of course, multiple examples of this in relation to voting but sometimes just for living like this and this.]

The entire Black community of Ocoee was forced to flee the town when a prosperous Black farmer, Mose Norman, organized Black people to vote and went to vote himself in the national election in January of 1920.  When civil rights organizations called on Congress to investigate the massacre, they refused. The FBI also refused to act.  The leader of the white mob became the mayor.  After forcing all of the Black residents to leave town, these white insurrectionists stole the properties from this Black community which are collectively evaluated at ten million dollars today. There have been no reparations to these families.

In this 1920 white mob violence, white supremacists massacred what we think might be at least 50 Black people for voting, just 35 miles south of where Trayvon Martin was murdered making white men’s unpunished behavior merely the specter of Zimmerman’s (also judiciously-sanctioned) murder of Trayvon Martin.

I point out here that the insurrectionists at Ocoee celebrated their victory as has steadily been the culture of white mob violence, especially in relation to lynch law.  My connection to lynching if both literal and historical here since the insurrectionists erected a gallows to hang then-Vice President Mike Pence; lynchings were also a prime tool to block the Black vote and white people who deliberately intervened were threatened with death too.

We need to remember that lynching of Black Americans functioned as more than mere execution.  These were forms of entertainment, like the circus had just come to town. These were often large, festive events where white mobs often even erected stages with theater-styled seating. There were exciting advertisements beforehand; photos and postcards were sent to family and friends.  You’d be hard-pressed to find images of white lynch mob members looking ashamed or embarrassed about what they were doing: they are posing for the camera, often in special pre-planned attire, as whole family units.  They took trophies to commemorate what they stole on these “great days” and “wonderful evenings” (these could include chopped off body parts like breasts and phalluses).  These were, in sum, open and very public celebrations and were called acts of JUSTICE. We have to ask ourselves here: why was it so easy, almost automated, for the rioters at the capitol to look, sound, and act so much like a typical lynch mob from a century past?  It is telling here that for Bruno’s parents, and maybe even for much of America and the criminal justice system, their expression of regret and embarrassment, even when inauthentic, is treated as an extraordinary feat since it would be the one cultural practice different from the lynch mobs of 100 years ago. 

If we go back to the massacre at Ocoee in 1920, we see that these were white folx who had lived next to Black folx as neighbors for 30 years, but that didn’t stop them from brutalizing and stealing Black folx’s votes and homes.  So, as a way to wrap up here, I want to return to the fact that Bruno grew up in Atlanta and yet his defense, the commentary from seemingly everyone around him, and much of the public rhetoric right now, is that he had just never known anyone or anything else. BUT…..He. Lives. In. Atlanta…..  Metro Atlanta.  That’s a little over 6 million people and yet the salience of the deeply depressed, easily manipulated, rural white male loner is such a chronic trope of white supremacy that it can be called up anytime and anywhere to convey white innocence. If you listen to these accounts about Bruno’s isolation, you would think I am just acting like the little boy in that 1999 movie, The 6th Sense, that stars Bruce Willis as a child psychologist to a child patient (Haley Joel Osment) who can talk to the dead.  The child is absolutely bewildered by his ghostly talents and so whispers to the psychologist: I SEE DEAD PEOPLE. In my new 2021 version of the movie, I am the main child character who sees Black people in a sixth sense, like a great secret, where I have to walk around whispering “I see Black people”** because no one can see us, like Metro Atlanta ain’t even right there.  Though I might be making arguably an inappropriate joke here, it really is this absurd to me to act like Bruno didn’t understand the world around him and wasn’t acting within the terms of a white racist response to the political successes of a VERY Black Atlanta!  If we center Bruno as a misguided loner, we are in fact merely re-committing what we saw in 1920 Ocoee: no serious investigation, no commitment to act against white violence, an outpouring of forgiveness and understanding, open pathways to future success for leading agitators, and no acknowledgement of Black suffering. 

These new circulations of white supremacy at the Capitol this January will set off new legacies.  Our responses to this moment will put cultural practices in place that activists fifty years and one hundred years from now will have to agitate to undo, like we are doing now… about the 100 years before us… unless we seriously address AND REDRESS the spectacle of Black suffering that is so commonplace to us now as the specter of white supremacist mob violences continually haunts.

**PLEASE NOTE: Secretive whispers of “I see Black people” are something that I learned from Todd Craig in places like 4Cs, the writing center where we once worked, and all other kinds of academic spaces. This is his line, not mine, and so I give FULL CREDIT.

Lessons from Kim TallBear . . . and the Tears Not Shed

Right after the announcement of Donald Trump as our next U.S. president, I got on a plane and came to Canada for the National Women’s Studies Association. I enjoy this conference for one reason: I see more women of color/gender-queer folk here than any other professional conference I attend. There are problems like with every other professional organization but at least I like who sits and fights at the table.

This year, I was grateful for the Black and Indigenous women in Canada who let us know at every turn that freedom ain’t up here. You can follow the drinking gourd, Underground Railroad, North Star, Black Moses and then wade in the water all you want: Black folk still ain’t free in Canada. Kim TallBear’s plenary talk was the highlight for me.

Continue reading

On this Juneteenth: Black Cultural Literacy in Times of Racial Warfare

At an event that I recently attended, a high school teacher at a prominent and privileged high school told a frightening story about her students.  Her students had read a novel in her class about a young woman who was raped.  During the class discussions, students analyzed the text beautifully, said all the right, erudite things; they even composed wonderful essayist prose interpreting the book.  However, surprisingly to the teacher, the students had a whole other conversation amongst themselves in the lounge/ common space: the victim of the rape was just a dumb whore as far as they were concerned.  Though the teacher was hopeful in regard to the promise of new curricular endeavors, I wonder what it means to teach folk whose violence lies in wait this way.

I am not saying that I have never heard students blame the victims of oppression.  Yes, I have.  All the time. That’s the nature of consciousness-raising in classrooms: help students see, understand, and dissect where these soul-crushing ideologies come from and fight those ideas back.  What I don’t experience much in my classrooms are my non-privileged students (who are the targets of oppression, not the voyeurs looking from afar at it) saying what I want them to say, performing what they think is a liberal, progressive discourse for my approval, and then publicly promoting violence elsewhere.  They just say what they think and work ev’ryone’s butt to the bone to try and convince them otherwise.

Continue reading